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Abstract
This research explores the association between social capital and political participation among refugees in the Netherlands, addressing a critical gap in the literature on refugee integration. Social capital, divided into the three forms of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital, is important to understand the political participation and overall integration of refugees. The research employs a quantitative research design by using a survey conducted among refugees in the Netherlands to gather data on their social capital and political participation. This data is examined using statistical analyses that show the association between social capital and political participation. The findings reveal differing associations between social capital and political participation, depending on the form of social capital. While bridging and linking social capital have a positive association with political participation, bonding social capital is negatively associated with refugees’ participation. The nuanced insights suggest that policies that promote bridging and linking social capital are essential for enhancing the political integration of refugees.
1. Introduction
The integration of refugees into new societies represents a significant challenge for both the refugees and the host communities. Global conflicts and humanitarian crises continue to displace populations, and countries worldwide are tasked with integrating refugees in a manner that is not only effective but also humane. Integration is a multifaceted and complex process and includes social, economic, and political dimensions. Among these, social capital and political participation emerge as critical indicators of successful integration (Ager & Stang, 2008; Bloemraad, 2006).
Social capital generally refers to the networks and relationships that enable individuals to collaborate and hereby achieve common goals (Putnam, 1993). It plays an important role in establishing social cohesion, facilitating access to information and resources, and enhancing the well-being of communities. Political participation involves the different ways in which individuals engage with political processes, such as voting, joining political organizations, or participating in protests (Verba et al., 1995). Together, these elements are essential in determining the extent to which refugees can integrate into new environments and contribute in a socio-political manner to their host societies.
The relevance of this topic is underscored by the increasing refugee populations in many countries, including European countries. One of these countries, the Netherlands, has experienced significant refugee inflows over the past decade, making it a relevant and interesting case study for exploring the association between the social capital and political participation of refugees (Entzinger, 2000; Koster & Fleishmann, 2017). This research seeks to fill a critical gap in the literature by examining how different forms of social capital are associated with the political participation of refugees in the Dutch context.
This study has the potential to contribute to both academic literature and practical policymaking. Academically, it addresses a gap in the literature by focusing on the political integration of refugees through the conceptual lens of social capital. Previous research has explored the socio-economic aspects of refugee integration, such as employment, education, and language acquisition, showing their importance for successful integration (Ager & Strang, 2008; Bloemraad, 2006; Entzinger, 2000; Koster & Fleishmann, 2017). However, this thesis focuses on the political dimension of refugee integration in the forms of social capital and political participation, filling a gap in the existing literature.
Practically, this research’s findings can inform policymakers, practitioners, and civic organizations that work with refugees. Understanding the role of social capital in political participation may help design custom and interactive policies and initiatives that enhance the integration of refugees into the political life of the Netherlands. This is especially relevant for the Netherlands, as effective integration policies are essential for establishing and maintaining social cohesion and addressing the needs of diverse populations (Kraal et al., 2017), but will also be applicable in other European countries with similar needs (Mundt, 2019).
The central problem that this exploratory research addresses is the challenge of the integration of refugees into the political life of their host countries. While multiple studies have explored aspects of refugee integration in Europe (Cheung & Phillimore, 2014; Mclaren, 2003; Togeby, 1999; Wikström & Karp, 2012), there is a notable gap in the research focusing on the relationship between their social capital and political participation. This gap is even more evident in the Dutch context, where the current literature mainly addresses general immigrant populations, or focuses on their socio-economic integration without further exploring the political sphere (Ballan, 2021; Dekker & Uslaner, 2001; Entzinger, 2000; Kraal et al., 2017).
It is essential to understand how social capital is associated with political participation as political participation is a fundamental aspect of a democratic society (Dahl, 1989). It ensures representation, accountability, and responsiveness within the political system. Political participation can also help refugees to increase their social inclusion and empowerment, which enables them to advocate for their rights and contribute to the development of communities (Bloemraad, 2006).
The main objective of the research is to explore how different forms of social capital are associated with the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands. This logically leads to the main research question that this study aims to answer: How is social capital associated with the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands?
This research employs a quantitative method of data collection and analysis. A survey was conducted to gather quantitative data on the social capital and political participation of refugees. The survey questionnaire was distributed to a diverse sample of refugees in the Netherlands, which ensured that it was representative across the diversity of demographics of refugees. Statistical analysis, including association, correlation, and regression, was used to understand the statistical associations between social capital and political participation.
This research identifies three forms of social capital – bonding, bridging, and linking – and explores their associations with two types of refugees’ political participation in the Dutch political context. This nuanced approach provides a more detailed exploration of the complex association between different types of social capital and political participation. The results of the study show that bonding social capital, involving social relationships within homogeneous groups, is negatively associated with political participation, when not combined with bridging and linking social capital. Bridging social capital, consisting of networks across diverse groups, and linking social capital, existing of connections with authorities, both have a positive association with conventional political participation, such as voting, but appear to be negatively associated with unconventional political participation in the form of protesting. Nonetheless, several limitations apply to this research. For instance, the relatively small sample size is adequate for an exploratory analysis but may limit the generalizability of the findings. Future research with larger samples could offer more definitive conclusions. Moreover, the very dynamic and complex nature of integration, as well as of social capital and political participation, means that studies over longer periods would be useful to understand how social capital and political participation develop over time (Levy & Sadiq,2014).
The thesis follows a comprehensive structure. Firstly, a literature review explored the existing literature on social capital, political participation, and their interplay. It focuses on both the Dutch and European contexts. This ensures a complete understanding of academic knowledge on the topic and defines a gap in the research. Secondly, the theoretical framework defines the key concepts of social capital and political participation and operationalizes them. This creates the foundation on which the research was conducted and provides a clear definition of the different forms of both concepts. Thirdly, the methodology chapter explains the research design, methods of data collection, and analytical approaches used in the study. It thoroughly explores the processes of how the survey was created and conducted and how the findings from the survey were systematically analysed. Fourthly, the section on the findings presents the results of the data analysis and highlights the trends and patterns that were recognized in the results of the survey. Fifthly, a chapter discusses the interpretations of the findings in the context of the existing literature examined in the literature review. It also presents the possible implications and offers recommendations for policy and future research. Lastly, the conclusion summarizes the findings, discusses the limitations, and suggests questions for future research.
2. Literature on Social Capital and Political Participation
This literature review explores the current literature on social capital, political participation, and the associations between the two, with a focus on the Dutch and European contexts. The review first examines the general concepts of social capital and political participation, after which their interplay and the implications for refugees and migrants are discussed.
Conceptualizing Social Capital
Social capital is a significant concept used in the field of social studies as it allows for enhanced individual and collective efficacy, improves the cohesion of communities, and facilitates access to resources, opportunities, or services (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). It refers to the networks, norms, and trust that enable individuals to pursue common goals more effectively by forming a group (Putnam, 1993). Social capital plays a crucial role for refugees in overcoming the barriers to integration, such as employment and education, but also political participation (Norris, 2002). Social capital can take different forms, including bonding, bridging, and linking social capital. Bonding social capital refers to connections within a homogenous group, such as family or friends, that provide mutual support and better access to resources that help individuals improve their overall well-being (Szreter & Woolcock, 2004). Bridging social capital involves connections that are more distant and span across multiple diverse social groups, fostering broader social networks that allow for more opportunities for employment or housing and access to information (Granovetter, 1973). Linking social capital encompasses relationships with institutions or individuals in more powerful positions, such as a governmental institution, enabling further access to resources and services, such as financial aid or legal assistance (Woolcock, 1998). These three forms will be discussed further and defined in the context of this research in the following chapter.
Social Capital and Political Participation Among Refugees
Political participation exists out of many different activities through which individuals express their opinions and have an influence on the political processes in a society. This not only includes voting, but also extends to attending political meetings, engaging in discussions, participating in protests, and joining political organizations (Verba et al., 1995). According to Dahl (1989), political participation is a fundamental aspect of a democratic society as it allows representation, accountability, and responsiveness within that society’s political system. Kaim (2021) argues that political participation can be divided into two types: conventional and unconventional participation. Conventional political participation consists of activities such as voting, sharing your interests with political representatives, or becoming a member of a political organization. Unconventional participation, such as protesting or civil disobedience, are other illegal or restricted ways to pursue one’s political interests.
Multiple studies have established a positive relationship between social capital and political participation. Brady et al. (1995) explain that political participation is multifaceted and depends on many factors, such as socioeconomic status, education, political efficacy, institutional frameworks, and social networks. Especially the last two factors show that social capital is recognized as an essential element that influences political participation. Putnam’s (2000) influential work, “Bowling Alone”, discusses the decline of social capital in the United States and the consequential effects on civic and political engagement. He claims that communities with higher social capital show higher levels of political participation because the presence of tight networks, common norms, and mutual trust encourage collective action. Similarly, Norris (2002) argues that social capital is important for fostering political activism and participation. Her research shows that individuals who have large social networks are more likely to engage in political activities due to the increased amount of information, mutual encouragement, and mobilization potential that are a result of these networks.
Refugees often face challenges and obstacles in political participation due to language barriers, cultural differences, and limited access to social networks and institutional resources, of which the latter is the most relevant for this research (Bloemraad, 2006). In addition, other factors such as legal status, knowledge of the political system, and trust in politics also influence the extent to which refugees engage in political processes (Bloemraad, 2006; Levy & Sadiq, 2014). However, social capital may help mitigate these barriers by providing refugees with support systems that facilitate integration into the host society. These support systems are created through the social networks that are associated with enhanced social capital.
While refugees’ bonding social capital within their own ethnic or cultural communities can provide them with support and practical assistance (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998), it can also increase their segregation and limit their social integration, especially when bridging and linking social capital are not present (Portes, 1998). Indeed, existing studies on refugee communities have shown this dual role of bonding social capital in supporting the needs of refugees on the one hand, while potentially hindering broader integration and political engagement on the other hand (Ryan, 2011). Bridging social capital, which involves connections across different social groups, is essential for refugees’ access to broader social networks and the resulting information and opportunities for employment or housing (Hanley et al., 2018). Ager & Strang (2008) argue that refugees with access to bridging social capital are more likely to engage in political activities, as the established networks expose them to a large diversity of viewpoints, information about politics, and opportunities for participation. Linking social capital concerns connections with institutions and individuals in positions of power and is particularly significant for political participation. It enables refugees to navigate institutional frameworks, access resources, and gain legitimacy within the host society (Woolcock, 1998). For example, access to institutions such as civic organizations, NGOs, or the local government may facilitate the political engagement of refugees by providing them with platforms for participation (Cheung & Phillimore, 2014; Hanley, 2018; Mundt, 2019).
Social Capital and Political Participation in the European Context
The social capital and political participation of refugees are studied across various European countries. Comparative studies provide useful insights into the similarities and differences of social capital and political participation in different national contexts.
In Germany and Denmark, certain forms of social capital have been shown to have an impact on the political participation of minority groups. Jacobs and Tillie (2004) found that higher levels of bonding and bridging social capital among second-generation Turks result in more political participation. Nonetheless, social capital is only narrowly defined as membership of an ethnic group and the results are not necessarily applicable for refugees. Similarly, in Sweden, social capital has been confirmed to be a relevant factor in influencing political participation. Here, Togeby (1999) has shown the negative impact of higher levels of bonding social capital on political participation. High concentrations of immigrants in Sweden have led to demobilization and low voting participation. On the contrary, Wikström and Karp (2012) claim that the inclusive nature of Sweden’s integration policies and the importance of multiculturalism have led to faster development of refugees’ social capital, which enhances their political participation.
Once again, it appears that bridging and linking social capital are essential for political participation and that the lack thereof decreases it. Mclaren (2003) states that in the majority of Western Europe, migrants tend to be excluded, which would, according to this phenomenon, have a negative impact on political participation. Claims such as those from Wikström and Karp (2012) and Cheung and Phillimore (2014) that the creation of social capital of refugees is stimulated in countries such as Sweden and the United Kingdom and that this increases political participation become debatable in the light of the challenges faced by refugees. It appears that all over Europe high bonding social capital without bridging and linking social capital has a negative effect on the political participation of refugees. On top of that, building bridging and linking social capital is difficult for many refugees due to the challenges posed by host societies. This calls for further research on the effects of the different types of social capital on political participation. Furthermore, most research does not regard refugees, but migrants in general, of which refugees only form a select group.
Social Capital and Political Participation in the Dutch Context
The Netherlands has experienced significant refugee inflows in the last decade. Therefore, the Dutch context provides a relevant setting for the examination of the association between social capital and political participation among refugees. According to Entzinger (2000), the Netherlands has implemented several integration policies aimed at facilitating the inclusion of refugees through language learning, employment, and civic participation. The adoption of the Integration Act in 2007 emphasized language proficiency and societal orientation as major components of integration, which became only more deeply entrenched in Dutch policy with the introduction of the Civic Integration Exam in 2013 (Kraal et al., 2017). The Dutch Civic Integration Exam requires refugees to learn the Dutch language on a B1 level and understand the workings of the Dutch society, including its political system. Such policies can enhance refugees’ social capital by providing them with the tools and opportunities to build bridging and linking social capital (Koster & Fleischmann, 2017). Nonetheless, a closer look at these policies shows that the majority aims purely at the adoption of the Dutch language and Dutch norms and values by refugees and thus fails to deliver a two-sided approach that is crucial for effective social capital. Some policies, such as those on employment, mainly have an economic perspective and do not regard social integration. In addition, as Ballan (2021) has shown, many refugees experience obstacles in their political participation due to a lack of civic knowledge, even if they have learned the Dutch language, as this knowledge is not a requirement for integrating into the Netherlands. This shows that although Dutch policies may seem to promote the creation of social capital, in practice there may be other unidentified factors that are essential. There appears to be a lack of research on this topic in the Netherlands from the perspective of refugees themselves, instead of policy analyses.
Research on social capital and political participation in the Netherlands confirms the notion that social capital plays an important role in fostering political participation. For instance, Dekker and Uslaner (2001) have shown that Dutch citizens with higher levels of social capital are more likely to participate in political activities, such as voting, joining political organizations, and attending political meetings. Social capital may similarly influence the political participation of refugees (Michon & Vermeulen, 2013; Kranendonk et al., 2017). Cheung and Phillimore (2014) argue that refugees in the United Kingdom who have access to diverse social networks and receive support from civic organizations are not only more likely to integrate better into the labour market, but also engage more in political activities. The networks provide refugees with the information, encouragement, and opportunities necessary to be politically active. Nonetheless, this research has a focus on labour market integration and has only been conducted in the United Kingdom. There is a lack of studies on the interplay of social capital and political participation in the Netherlands.
The Challenges and Opportunities of Refugees
Refugees in the Netherlands face multiple challenges in building and keeping social capital. Vermeulen and Penninx (2000) claim that language barriers, discrimination, and limited access to institutional resources significantly affect refugees’ lives in the Netherlands, which can limit their ability to build bridging and linking social capital. This may in turn increase bonding social capital among refugees as they seek support from the contacts that they know. On the one hand, bonding social capital without bridging and linking social capital prevents broader integration (Portes, 1998; Ryan, 2011; Togeby, 1999). On the other, the challenges refugees face reduce bridging and linking social capital (Vermeulen & Penninx, 2000), resulting in a circle in which both effects reinforce each other, leading to further segregation and increasingly less integration. Therefore, integration challenges have such an impact on social capital that they can reduce political participation through limited integration. Additionally, refugees often have a temporary and uncertain legal status which can hinder their integration and political participation (Levy & Sadiq, 2014; Morris, 2003).
However, studies show that there are also employment and housing opportunities for refugees. For instance, Fennema and Tillie (1999) argue that the presence of civil society organizations, community centres, and refugee support groups in the Netherlands provides platforms from which social capital can be built and political participation is made possible. Furthermore, there are initiatives aimed at promoting intercultural dialogue, civic education, and political engagement, which can enhance the social capital of refugees and their ability to participate in political activities (Heelsum, 2017). Even though refugees face many challenges in their integration in the Netherlands and their social capital and political participation may be hindered, there are also many organizations and initiatives that offer them the support and platforms to increase their social capital and enable political participation.
In conclusion, this literature review highlights the complex relationship between social capital and political participation, especially for refugees. It shows the important role that the different forms of social capital play in enhancing or hindering political participation. The challenges faced by refugees in the Netherlands, as well as in the rest of Europe, such as language barriers, discrimination, and limited access to institutional resources, further complicate the ability to build refugees’ social capital and their political participation.
Despite the importance of social capital for political participation, there appears to be a gap in the current research, specifically focusing on refugees in the Netherlands. Existing studies mainly regard the social capital and political participation of non-migrants or focus on migrants in a broad sense. They also are often conducted in other European countries, leaving a need for targeted research on refugees in the Netherlands. This research is necessary and relevant as it aims to fill the gap by providing empirically collected data on how the different forms of social capital are associated with the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands.
3. Theoretical Framework: Theories on Social Capital and Political Participation
This chapter integrates the insights from the literature review to establish the theoretical framework used in this research. It explores social capital theory to explore its associations with the political participation of refugees. The key concepts, social capital and political participation, are defined and operationalized.
Three Forms of Social Capital
Social capital, introduced by Pierre Bourdieu (1986) and further developed by James Coleman (1988) and Robert Putnam (2000), emphasizes the importance of social networks and relationships as valuable resources. It encompasses both tangible and intangible benefits, such as trust, information, and support, which individuals gain from their social networks (Bourdieu, 1986). This section explores the three different forms of social capital to create the framework in which the research is conducted.
Bonding social capital encompasses relations within a homogeneous group. As the name implies, this type of social capital creates bonds between individuals of homogeneous groups (Putnam, 2000). Such groups are defined by strong interpersonal ties between individuals who share similarities, such as identities, backgrounds, and experiences. Bonding social capital creates a feeling of solidarity and increases the support of other individuals within the group who share common values. For example, Portes and Sensebrenner (1993) show how marginalized communities in the United States make use of bonding social capital to support each other by providing social and economic assistance. Similarly, Agrawal and Gibson (1999) describe how members often share information about job or housing opportunities within these close communities.
Bridging social capital goes beyond the homogeneous groups of bonding social capital and creates connections with other social groups (Putnam, 2000). The networks of individuals are extended beyond their own social, cultural, or economic group. Through bridging social capital, individuals are introduced to a vast array of information, interpretations, and resources. It promotes an inclusive society and social diversity. This is well illustrated by Granovetter’s (1973) concept of “the strength of weak ties”, which implies that individuals receive more new information and opportunities through their connections with a diverse set of acquaintances, opposing to their close friends.
Linking social capital departs from the interpersonal connections of individuals and social groups and focuses on the ties between these groups and authorities, mainly in the form of formal institutions and organizations (Putnam, 2000). It allows individuals to access resources that are provided by established structures and increases engagement with government agencies or political organizations. In other words, linking social capital is the bridge between citizens and the formal political and societal infrastructure. Woolcock (2001) shows how linking social capital in developing countries connects marginalized groups with formal financial institutions, which enables the economic development of these groups. Similarly, Szreter and Woolcock (2004) claim that linking social capital helps connect communities with health services and policymakers, which enhances the health of those communities.
It must be noted that it is impossible to identify clear societal groups as all groups are very fluid. For instance, individuals may change groups because of a change in education or marital status. On top of that, individuals are always members of multiple groups which are not exclusively linked to each other. Some members of one cultural group may have a very high income while others have a very low income. This makes it all the more important to specify the group that is researched very precisely and always remember that different members of that group are most likely in a very different situation than others. For this paper, refugees in the Netherlands are researched as this group is fairly simple to identify. All refugees may have different economic situations and come from different backgrounds that also influence political participation, but since this paper is only interested in the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands, further nuances within this group are yet to be researched further.
Political Participation
To link social capital to political participation, it is essential to understand the concept of political participation and explore its concrete forms. It encompasses a wide range of political activities that come in many different forms. For this essay, there are two broad categories identified: conventional and unconventional political participation (Kaim, 2021).
Conventional political participation exists in different forms. For this research, three forms are identified, namely voting, contacting elected representatives, and membership of a political organization. Firstly, voting is the most recognizable form of political participation and an essential part of politics in a democracy. Through a vote, citizens elect politicians who will represent them in the decision-making of that state. Secondly, once votes have been cast and representatives have taken their positions, it is still possible for citizens to engage with them to express their wishes, needs, and concerns. This is mostly done through letters or e-mails, or at a meeting with the relevant representative. Thirdly, the form of political participation in which citizens can contribute directly to politics is through joining a political group. For instance, citizens are free to join a political party and contribute to it by donating money or investing time to help the party. Some may even go further and run for a representative position themselves, becoming one of the representatives. Citizens may also join other associations that are concerned with politics but do not deliver electable representatives. These kinds of groups contribute to the political discourse and help shape the discussion within a society.
Unconventional political participation differs from conventional participation as the latter takes place in a constructed political framework. The following are two examples of unconventional political participation which are used for this research. The first unconventional form of political participation is protesting, through which protesters attempt to receive attention for a specific topic of interest. Protests may either oppose or support an elected representative or a proposed law. Protests typically take the form of organized marches or demonstrations but can also turn violent in the form of riots. The second form of unconventional political participation, civil disobedience, is used to protest against a certain set of laws to highlight the unjust norms that these laws bring forward. Civil disobedience thus entails the deliberate breaking of the said laws to show the disagreement of citizens with them.
It appears that the main difference between conventional and unconventional political participation can be found in the manner in which citizens are enabled by the law to use these forms of political participation. Conventional participation is entirely lawful and often encouraged as it forms a pillar of democracy (Kaim, 2021). Unconventional political participation tends to be illegal or heavily restricted. Protesting in the Netherlands is indeed a fundamental right, but it has clear restrictions; the authorities must be informed beforehand, and protests may always be forbidden if the rules set out by the authorities are not followed.
Connecting Social Capital and Political Participation
The relationship between social capital and political participation among refugees is complex. Existing literature highlights the critical role that social capital plays in political participation, emphasizing that the three forms of social capital affect political participation in different ways (Ager & Strang, 2008; Granovetter, 1973; La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998; Portes, 1998; Ryan, 2011; Togeby, 1999; Woolcock, 1998). The following section connects social capital and political participation to examine the interplay between the two concepts and underscore the importance of research on this topic in the context of refugees.
Bonding social capital can provide support and a sense of community among the members of a homogeneous group (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998). However, research shows that an overreliance on bonding social capital may lead to social isolation from the wider society, which decreases political participation (Portes, 1998; Ryan, 2011; Togeby, 1999). This form of social capital often strengthens the solidarity within a group but may also hinder broader civic engagement. Therefore, the association between bonding social capital must be explored separately.
Bridging social capital has been shown to enhance the political participation of a group by exposing it to a broader range of viewpoints, information, and resources that, for instance, stimulate employment (Ager & Strang, 2008; Granovetter, 1973). The diversity of networks not only fosters a better understanding of the wider society’s politics but also provides practical opportunities for participation, such as joining political organizations or participating in civic activities. Thus, bridging social capital is essential to research regarding the political participation of refugees.
Linking social capital is influential in navigating political systems and gaining access to resources that allow for political participation (Woolcock, 1998). Individuals with higher levels of linking social capital are guided and supported in political participation by authorities. For refugees, the connections with these authorities may be important for effective political participation. Consequently, the association between linking social capital and the political participation of refugees has to be studied.
4. Methodology
Quantitative Research Design
This study employed a quantitative research approach to explore the association between social capital and the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands. This was achieved through a survey that was conducted to collect data directly from refugees who resided in the Netherlands at the time of the survey. The survey was conducted between March 26 and May 11, resulting in a total of 76 responses. The creation and distribution of the questionnaire involved a collaboration with a second student from a different academic background, together with the supervisor overlooking the process. This choice was made because both students aimed to gather data from refugees in a direct manner. As a result, this interdisciplinary nature ensured that the development and distribution of the survey became more comprehensive due to the different backgrounds of both students combined with the supervisor’s experience. On top of that, the networks and efforts of both students could be used to significantly increase the number of respondents. The respondents were reached using a QR code that was connected to the online questionnaire. The QR code was spread through a combination of snowball sampling, using refugee organizations, and distribution at Asylum Seeker Centres.
Survey Questionnaire
The survey was developed to capture various dimensions of social capital and its potential association with political participation among refugees. The process of the survey development involved several stages. Firstly, a thorough review of existing literature on social capital and political participation was conducted. This identified key themes and variables from previous studies. Specific literature on social capital and political participation among migrants and refugees was selected to adapt the key themes to the context of refugees. Secondly, the insights gained from the literature review allowed for the formulation of questions. This was done through individual research followed by three meetings in which the questions were formulated and reviewed multiple times collaboratively. The questionnaire included questions on demographic characteristics, such as gender, age, or educational background. Furthermore, it included questions about bonding, bridging, and linking social capital, which are explained further in Chapter 3 of this paper. Additionally, another set of questions addressed conventional political participation, such as voting, contacting elected representatives, and joining a political organization. These questions also addressed unconventional political participation, mainly in the form of participation in protests or demonstrations. Other forms of civil disobedience were not asked about as those may have given the respondents an uneasy feeling and discouraged them from continuing the questionnaire. These forms of political participation are further explored in Chapter 3 of this paper.
All questions for this questionnaire were formulated using existing surveys to ensure the use of questions that have been tested and proven to be effectively formulated. The questions regarding social capital and political participation were inspired by the survey Nieuwe Statushouders in Nederland that questioned Syrian refugees in the Netherlands on socioeconomic and sociocultural topics, among which social capital and political participation. The results of this survey could not be used for this research, because it only regarded Syrians who obtained a residence permit between 2014 and July 2016, which makes the target sample too specific for a generalizable conclusion of social capital and political participation. As the Nieuwe Statushouders in Nederland was a Dutch survey, the questions had to be carefully translated to avoid a loss of meaning or effectiveness.
After the questions were formulated and thoroughly reviewed, they were tested using a pilot. An initial version of the questionnaire was filled in by a small group of refugees. After the pilot, the questionnaire was revised to ensure clarity and relevance of the questions. When this version was complete, the questions, initially written in English, were also translated into Dutch and Arabic to increase the potential number of respondents.
Sampling Strategy
The sample population of the survey consisted of refugees with asylum status. To achieve a diverse and representative sample of this population, multiple distribution methods were employed. This also increased the total number of respondents. Firstly, the personal networks of both students were used to initiate a snowball sampling method where the first respondents were asked to share the questionnaire with other potential participants. This helped in reaching a broader audience. However, snowball sampling and reliance on personal networks lead to bias and may not represent the broader population of refugees in the Netherlands. Therefore, other methods were employed. Secondly, the questionnaire was distributed to organizations and individuals who are directly in contact with refugees. These organizations and individuals distributed the questionnaire further to their network of refugees. As they encounter refugees from many different backgrounds, this method allowed for a more representative sample that compensated for the snowballing bias. Thirdly, the questionnaire was directly and personally administered to refugees in Asylum Seekers Centres.
Data Security
The consent of the respondents was secured by the statement at the beginning of the questionnaire that respondents were free to skip questions or quit entirely in case they did not feel comfortable answering questions. Especially sensitive questions were accompanied by an extra statement, reminding the respondent that this question could be skipped. Furthermore, the respondents were informed with detailed information about the study and its purpose, allowing them to understand what they would participate in. This was achieved by including an introduction to the questionnaire that provided detailed information about the aim of the survey.
The responses to the survey were recorded and stored securely to ensure confidentiality and anonymity of the participants. This could be guaranteed by two methods. Firstly, access to the data was restricted with a secure password and can only be accessed by the two student researchers who conducted the survey. Secondly, the data provided by respondents was not linked to an individual or their digital device and therefore permanently anonymized. As the survey was conducted on digital devices only, it was essential for the software to not register any identifying personal data or metadata from the respondents. This was achievable, as the QR code used to distribute the questionnaire was created in the same software as the survey itself. The software is designed to not register any identifying data through the QR codes made by the software, ensuring the desired anonymity.
Formulating Hypotheses
To analyse the data gathered from the survey in a systematic and comprehensive manner, four hypotheses were defined. The goal of the data analysis was to statistically understand if the social capital of refugees is associated with their political participation. As social capital has multiple forms that may have different associations, these forms had to be separated. The hypotheses allowed for a division of the forms of social capital, while also providing a coherent overview. The survey divided the questions on social capital into four parts. Bonding social capital was captured using the first two parts, namely on relations with others from the same country of origin, and relations with individuals from another non-Dutch country of origin. Questions on the relations with Dutch citizens regarded bridging social capital, and questions on the relations with the Dutch government concerned linking social capital. These four groups of questions were also used for the hypotheses for a systematic analysis.
The first hypothesis is as follows: Higher levels of bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin are positively associated with the political participation of refugees. In general, bonding social capital has been shown to increase political participation (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998). Nevertheless, it may also create the segregation of a marginalized group, leading to a decrease in political participation (Portes, 1998; Ryan, 2011; Togeby, 1999). As the workings of bonding social capital among refugees in the Netherlands are unknown, this hypothesis assumed a general positive association. The possible rejection of the hypothesis could suggest that Portes’ (1998), Ryan’s (2011), and Togeby’s (1999) findings are also applicable to refugees in the Netherlands. The second hypothesis is: Higher levels of bonding social capital with individuals from other countries of origin are positively associated with the political participation of refugees. The reasoning for the assumption of a positive association was the same as for the first hypothesis. The third hypothesis was established as: Higher levels of bridging social capital with Dutch citizens are positively associated with the political participation of refugees. The existing literature suggests that bridging social capital positively affects political participation (Granovetter, 1973; Ager & Strang, 2008), which formed the rationale behind the third hypothesis. Lastly, the fourth hypothesis was defined as follows: Higher levels of linking social capital with the Dutch government are positively associated with the political participation of refugees. Similar to the third hypothesis, the research conducted on linking social capital shows that it has a positive influence on political participation (Woolcock, 1998).
Data Analysis
The data was analysed using the statistical software SPSS. The analysis involved several steps to ensure a systematic approach that would result in the same results if reproduced. Firstly, the data was carefully reviewed for any inconsistencies or missing values. Several inconsistencies were found and corrected, and it appeared that 21 respondents did not answer the questions on political participation, reducing the sample size from 76 to 55 for most of the analysis. Secondly, the clean data was analysed for basic descriptive statistics of the respondents to provide an overview of the characteristics of the sample. This overview shows the general characteristics of the respondents, such as age, gender, country of origin, or length of stay in the Netherlands. Thirdly, to understand the association between social capital and the political participation of refugees, tests of association and correlation between the three social capital variables and the political participation variables were conducted. Every hypothesis used the independent variables regarding social capital, and the dependent variables of political participation, both gathered from the survey’s questions on the respective topics. The relevant data was divided into both nominal and ordinal variables. The nominal variables were tested using a Chi-square test and Cramer’s V to calculate the association between variables and their significance. The ordinal variables were tested through Spearman’s correlation to find potential correlations, or the absence thereof, between variables. On top of that, a linear regression analysis was employed to understand the relationships between the variables. This way, the hypotheses were statistically tested.
Limitations
This quantitative method provided valuable insights, but it is not without limitations. These limitations must be acknowledged to be able to properly interpret and value the results of this study. Firstly, the sample size of 76 respondents is adequate for an exploratory analysis but may limit the generalizability of the findings, especially seeing the total number of 237.000 refugees in the Netherlands in 2022 (UNCHR, 2023). Secondly, the use of snowball sampling and reliance on personal networks may introduce bias and the sample might not fully represent the broader population of refugees in the Netherlands. Lastly, as some questions of the questionnaire enquire about subjective feelings, such as how positive certain interactions were experienced, it is difficult to truly measure this objectively. Nevertheless, the methodological approach of this study ensured that the findings provide an exploratory understanding of the associations between the social capital of refugees in the Netherlands and their political participation.
5. Revealing Insights: Key Findings from the Survey
This chapter presents the findings of the statistical analysis of the data in order to answer the research question: How is social capital associated with the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands? The data analysis used Chi-squared tests, Spearman’s correlation, and linear regression analysis to test the hypotheses on bonding, bridging, and linking social capital. The first section provides an overview of the general characteristics of the survey sample. The following sections each discuss the results that are relevant to one hypothesis.
Demographic Overview of Respondents
The survey has been conducted among 76 refugees who reside in the Netherlands. Table 1 shows that the majority (60.5%) of the respondents are male. With 48.7% of the sample, Syrians form the largest group, and a significant portion of the respondents (50.7%) has a university-level education. Most respondents (57.3%) hold a residence permit for a definitive period. 42.7% of respondents have basic Dutch skills at the A1 or A2 levels, and 38.7% have an advanced level of B1 or higher. A majority of 75.9%, divided into three equal groups of 25.3%, is either unemployed, a student, or works part-time. The diversity in age, marital status, and duration of stay in the Netherlands enriches the data as it provides a broad perspective of the experiences of refugees in the Netherlands.
Table 1.
General Characteristics of Respondents in the Survey
| Characteristic | Value | Percentage |
| Gender | Male | 60.5% |
| Female | 39.5% | |
| Age | 15-19 | 10.5% |
| 20-29 | 36.6% | |
| 30-39 | 24.6% | |
| 40-49 | 12.3% | |
| 50-59 | 10.5% | |
| 60-69 | 1.8% | |
| 70-74 | 1.8% | |
| Country of origin | Eritrea | 2.6% |
| Syria | 48.7% | |
| Turkey | 6.6% | |
| Ukraine | 1.3% | |
| Yemen | 6.6% | |
| Palestine | 17.1% | |
| Other | 17.1% | |
| Marital status | Single | 52% |
| Married | 25.3% | |
| In a relationship | 13.3% | |
| Divorced | 5.3% | |
| Widowed | 4% | |
| Dutch language proficiency | A1 | 24% |
| A2 | 18.7% | |
| B1 | 14.7% | |
| B2 | 12% | |
| C1 | 9.3% | |
| C2 | 2.7% | |
| None of the above | 13.3% | |
| Don’t know | 5.3% | |
| Frequency of Dutch language use | Every day | 36% |
| Often | 17.3% | |
| Sometimes | 33.3% | |
| Never | 13.3% | |
| Highest completed education | No schooling | 1.3% |
| Primary education | 12% | |
| Secondary education | 25.3% | |
| Vocational training | 10.7% | |
| University | 50.7% | |
| Type of employment | Full-time | 13.3% |
| Part-time | 25.3% | |
| Unemployed | 25.3% | |
| Student | 25.3% | |
| Other | 10.7% | |
| Legal status | Dutch passport | 18.7% |
| Residence permit for definitive period | 57.3% | |
| Residence permit for indefinite period | 9.3% | |
| None | 12% | |
| Amount of time in the Netherlands | Less than 1 year | 16.7% |
| 1-2 years | 25% | |
| 3-5 years | 29.2% | |
| 6-10 years | 26.4% | |
| More than 10 years | 2.8% |
Source: Refugee Integration Survey 2024: Belonging, Social Capital, and Political Participation in the Netherlands.
Table 2 highlights the key insights of the social capital and political participation of the respondents of the survey. It appears that bonding social capital is more present with individuals from other non-Dutch countries of origin (64.3%) than with those from the same country (44.6%). Bridging social capital has the second highest presence with 53.6% and may suggest a moderate level of integration. Nonetheless, linking social capital is less common with only being present for 37.5% of the respondents. Political participation is low in general, with conventional political participation being especially absent at 12.7%. Unconventional political participation is, although somewhat more present than conventional participation, still very absent with 37.5%. These findings indicate areas in which integration efforts could potentially be enhanced.
Table 2.
Social capital and political participation among respondents
| Composite Variable | Present (%) | Not present (%) |
| Bonding social capital – same country of origin | 44.6% | 55.4% |
| Bonding social capital – other country of origin | 64.3% | 35.7% |
| Bridging social capital | 53.6% | 46.4% |
| Linking social capital | 37.5% | 62.5% |
| Conventional political participation | 12.7% | 87.3% |
| Unconventional political participation | 37.5% | 62.5% |
Source: Refugee Integration Survey 2024: Belonging, Social Capital, and Political Participation in the Netherlands.
Note. In this table, the number of observations is reduced to 55 due to missing values for 21 observations in the variables on political participation.
This research has considered the potential role of demographic characteristics in the association between social capital and political participation. While the survey sample provides a wide range of demographic characteristics, the relatively small sample size of 76, even reduced to 55 due to missing values, limits the ability to examine more variables. This poses constraints on the statistical power and generalizability of the findings. Therefore, the influence of demographic characteristics on the association between social capital and political participation needs further research. This study primarily focused on the association between social capital and political participation and a more detailed analysis would require additional research with a larger sample size.
Table 3.
Associations between forms of social capital and forms of political participation.
| Hypothesis | Independent Variable | Dependent Variable | Association Coefficient | P-Value | Effect Size (Cramer’s V) |
| H1 | Experienced benefits from interacting with refugees from the same country | Participation in protests | 11.095 | .026 | .445 |
| H2 | Experienced benefits from interacting with refugees from other countries | Membership of political organizations | 16.05 | .003 | .535 |
| H3 | Interactions with Dutch citizens | Participation in protests | 12.72 | .013 | .477 |
| H3 | Feeling welcomed by Dutch citizens | Participation in protests | 13.34 | .010 | .488 |
| H4 | Interactions with national government representatives | Membership of political organizations | 7.78 | .051 | .373 |
| H4 | Interactions with national government representatives | Participation in protests | 7.47 | .058 | .365 |
| H4 | Experienced interactions with the government as positive | Participation in protests | 12.58 | .006 | .474 |
Source: Refugee Integration Survey 2024: Belonging, Social Capital, and Political Participation in the Netherlands.
Note. In this table, the number of observations is reduced to 55 due to missing values for 21 observations in the variables on political participation.
Table 4.
Correlations between forms of social capital and forms of political participation.
| Hypothesis | Independent Variable | Dependent Variable | Correlation Coefficient | P-Value |
| H1 | Interaction with refugees from the same country of origin | Contact with political representatives | .285 | .033 |
| H1 | Attachment to refugees from the same country of origin | General political activity | -.237 | .081 |
| H1 | Attachment to refugees from the same country of origin | Participation in protests | -.237 | .081 |
| H2 | Interaction with refugees from a different country of origin | General political activity | -.309 | .022 |
| H2 | Received support from refugees from other countries of origin | General political activity | -.328 | .015 |
| H2 | Experienced benefits from interacting with refugees from other countries | General political activity | -.330 | .014 |
| H3 | Trust in Dutch citizens | General political activity | .441 | .001 |
| H3 | Feeling welcomed by Dutch citizens | General political activity | .384 | .004 |
| H3 | Experienced challenges in building relationships with Dutch citizens | General political activity | -.280 | .038 |
| H4 | Received support from the Dutch government | General political activity | .310 | .021 |
Source: Refugee Integration Survey 2024: Belonging, Social Capital, and Political Participation in the Netherlands.
Note. In this table, the number of observations is reduced to 55 due to missing values for 21 observations in the variables on political participation.
Analysis of Hypothesis 1
The first hypothesis in this research, that bonding social capital with others from the same country of origin is positively associated with the political participation of refugees, was tested using an analysis of variables regarding bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin and variables on political participation. Table 4 shows a significant moderate positive correlation between frequent interaction with refugees from the same country of origin and contact with political representatives (r (55) = .285, p = .033). This implies that refugees who interact more with individuals from the same country of origin tend to have more contact with elected representatives in the Netherlands.
A moderate negative correlation can be observed in Table 4 between the feeling of attachment to other refugees from the same country of origin and general political activity (r (55) = -.237, p = .081). Similarly, Table 4 shows the same feeling of attachment also has a moderate negative correlation with participation in protests and demonstrations (r (55) = -.237, p = .081). This suggests that refugees who feel a connection with individuals from the same country of origin might be less involved in political activity in the Netherlands, both in general and in unconventional forms such as protesting. Although these two correlations are not statistically significant, the p-values are low enough to be almost significant and are thus worth mentioning. On top of that, Table 3 shows an association between the benefits received from interactions with others from the same country of origin and participation in protests and demonstrations (χ² (4) = 11.09, p = .026), with a strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .445. This association supports the findings from the two correlations that a strong feeling of attachment with refugees from the same country of origin decreases political participation.
Given these mixed results, the hypothesis cannot be definitively accepted or rejected. While bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin in the form of interaction has a positive association with political participation, a feeling of attachment to that group and benefitting from interacting with them has a negative association.
Analysis of Hypothesis 2
The second hypothesis, that bonding social capital with individuals from other non-Dutch countries of origin is positively associated with the political participation of refugees, concerns variables regarding bonding social capital with others from other non-Dutch countries of origin and political participation.
Table 4 shows that the analysis found a moderate negative correlation between interactions with individuals from other countries and general political activity (r (55) = -.309, p = .022). Furthermore, a moderate negative correlation exists between the support received from individuals from different countries and general political activity (r (55) = -.328, p = .015), as well as between the benefits gained from interacting with the individuals and general political activity (r (55) = -.330, p = .014). It appears that refugees who interact with others with a different country of origin and benefit from that interaction and receive support from them tend to be less active in Dutch politics.
Another finding, seen in Table 3, is the association between the benefits received from interacting with that group and the membership of political organizations (χ² (4) = 16.05, p = .003), with a very strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .535. As the other correlations are negative, this could suggest that refugees who benefit from interacting with others from different countries are less likely to join political groups. Nonetheless, associations do not show a direction and a definitive conclusion cannot be made.
The hypothesis that bonding social capital with other non-Dutch individuals is positively associated with the political participation of refugees can be rejected. The negative correlations show that bonding social capital with refugees from different countries is linked to lower political participation. The association analysis shows that receiving benefits from interacting with this group is associated with refugees’ membership of political organizations.
Analysis of Hypothesis 3
The third hypothesis, that higher levels of bridging social capital with Dutch citizens are positively associated with the political participation of refugees, was tested using variables on refugees’ relationships with Dutch citizens and political participation.
Table 4 shows that a moderate positive correlation was found between the levels of trust in Dutch citizens and political activity (r (55) = .441, p = .001). Another correlation exists between refugees’ feeling welcomed by the Dutch population and their political activity (r (55) = .384, p = .004). Thus, positive relations with Dutch citizens correlate with higher political participation of refugees. Additionally, refugees who have experienced obstacles in forming relationships with Dutch citizens, apparently participate less in Dutch politics, as seen in the negative correlation in Table 4 between challenges in building relationships and political activity (r (55) = -.280, p = .038), and voting (r (55) = -.278, p = .038). As challenges in building relationships with Dutch citizens are negatively associated with political participation, it is assumable that successfully building relationships is positively associated with conventional political participation.
Furthermore, bridging social capital with Dutch citizens is associated with unconventional political participation in the form of participation in protests. There is an association between the interaction with Dutch citizens and participation in protests (χ² (4) = 12.72, p = .013), with a very strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .477. On top of that, the feeling of being welcomed by the Dutch population is associated with lower participation in protests (χ² (4) = 13.34, p = .01), with a very strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .488. As associations do not indicate how the dependent variables are affected, this requires further investigation.
This analysis results in a partially accepted hypothesis. Positive relationships with Dutch citizens appear to be associated with higher conventional political participation. Feelings of trust and being welcomed by Dutch citizens are associated with general political activity but do not have a significant association with voting or contacting representatives. On the contrary, higher levels of bridging social capital are negatively associated with participation in protests.
Analysis of Hypothesis 4
The fourth hypothesis, that linking social capital with the Dutch government is positively associated with the political participation of refugees, used variables on the experiences of refugees with the Dutch government and their political participation.
Table 4 shows a moderate positive correlation between the amount of support that respondents have received from the government and general political activity (r (55) = .310, p = .021). This means that refugees who feel supported by the Dutch government are more likely to be politically active in the Dutch context.
The findings that can be seen in Table 3 reveal that interactions with representatives from the national government are associated with participation in protests and demonstrations (χ² (3) = 7.47, p = .058), with a strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .365. On top of that, interactions with representatives of the Dutch government that are experienced as positive are associated with participation in protests and demonstrations (χ² (3) = 12.58, p = .006), with a very strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .474. Seeing the positive correlation, it would seem logical to assume that the associations between interactions with the national government and participation in protests would indicate a positive effect, but the findings lack concrete evidence that would support this assumption. As associations do not show a positive or negative relation and the effect of interactions with the local government may be entirely different from those with the national government, further research on the interplay between contact with different types of government and unconventional political participation would be interesting.
Furthermore, Table 3 presents an association between interaction with representatives from the national government and membership of political organizations (χ² (3) = 7.78, p = .051), with a strong effect size (Cramer’s V) of .373. Once again, this could either suggest that interactions with the national government stimulate refugees to join political organizations or discourage them from it. More research would be necessary to conclude this finding.
None of the variables about linking social capital exhibit significant associations with the voting behaviour of refugees. The lack of significant findings might indicate that voting is associated more with other factors that are not examined in this analysis. Additionally, there were no significant findings found among the variables for the contacting of political representatives. While linking social capital appears to be associated with general political activity, it does not necessarily translate into specific political actions such as voting or contacting elected representatives.
These findings underscore the complexity of the role of linking social capital in the political participation of refugees. Receiving support from the government is positively associated with general political activity, but more specific forms of political participation such as voting, contacting representatives, or joining political organizations are not significantly associated with linking social capital as defined in this research. Contact with the local government appears to lower participation in protests, but the influence of the national government on protests, while it exists, should be explored further.
Linear regression analysis
Table 5 presents the regression analysis of the relationships between different forms of social capital and political participation. This regression analysis distinguishes between conventional and unconventional political participation as dependent variables and uses the different forms of social capital as independent variables. The examination of these results aims to understand whether a regression analysis corroborates or contradicts the correlation and association analyses when it controls for all the variables on social capital.
Table 5.
Linear regressions of different forms of social capital and political participation.
| Variables | Conventional political participation | Unconventional political participation |
| Bonding social capital (same country) | ||
| Frequent interactions | -1.28 (.016)* | .07 (.41) |
| Sense of attachment | .06 (.90) | -.15 (.08)+ |
| Received support | -.05 (.91) | .07 (.45) |
| Gained benefits | .39 (.39) | -.03 (.81) |
| Bonding social capital (other country) | ||
| Frequent interactions | -.004 (.993) | -.05 (.58) |
| Sense of attachment | -.38 (.40) | .16 (.08)+ |
| Received support | .09 (.89) | .03 (.79) |
| Gained benefits | .65 (.28) | -.17 (.11) |
| Bridging social capital | ||
| Frequent interactions | 1.10 (.02)* | .001 (.99) |
| Sense of trust | -1.00 (.03)* | -.03 (.80) |
| Feeling welcomed | .54 (.33) | .16 (.14) |
| Easy to interact | -.63 (.19) | .06 (.46) |
| Challenges in building relationships | .57 (.14) | .04 (.60) |
| Linking social capital | ||
| Interactions with local government | .62 (.20) | -.16 (.09)+ |
| Interactions with national government | .31 (.60) | .06 (.58) |
| Experienced interactions as positive | -.32 (.46) | -.10 (.30) |
| Comfortable in accessing services | .39 (.39) | .15 (.18) |
| Received support | -.41 (.36) | -.09 (.35) |
| Constant | .49 (.44) | 1.48 (.01)* |
Source: Refugee Integration Survey 2024: Belonging, Social Capital, and Political Participation in the Netherlands.
Note. In this table, the number of observations is reduced to 55 due to missing values for 21 observations in the variables on political participation. The p-values are reported in brackets.
Levels of significance are: ***p < 0.001; **p < 0.01; *p < 0.05; +p < 0.10.
Table 5 reveals that bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin in the form of frequent interactions has a negative association with conventional political participation (β = -1.28, p = .016) when controlling for other forms of social capital. This finding is similar to the correlation and association results discussed in the previous sub-section, which have indicated that a sense of attachment to others from the same country is negatively associated with political participation. It only differs from the correlation analysis that indicates that frequent interaction is positively associated with contact with political representatives. It is possible that bonding social capital with individuals from the same country reduces political participation overall, and only participation in the form of contacting representatives increases. Another possibility would be the fact that the regression analysis controls for the other forms of social capital, which the correlation analysis is unable to do, resulting in different results.
Furthermore, the regression analysis shows that refugees’ sense of attachment to individuals from the same country is negatively associated with their unconventional political participation (β = -0.15, p = .08). This aligns with the findings of the correlation analysis, which shows the same correlations. The regression analysis thus confirms the finding that refugees who feel attached to others from the same country of origin are less likely to participate in unconventional politics.
In contrast, a sense of attachment with individuals from other origin countries increases unconventional political participation (β = .16, p = .08). While the findings of the correlation and association analyses were overall negative regarding conventional political participation, the regression analysis suggests that unconventional political participation increases when the sense of attachment to others from different countries increases.
The regression analysis further shows that refugees’ frequent interactions with Dutch citizens are positively associated with their conventional political participation (β = 1.10, p = .02). This further emphasizes the importance of bridging social capital for political participation that was evident from the existing literature that states that bridging social capital provides the information and support required for political participation (Ager & Strang, 2008; Granovetter, 1973).
However, more trust in Dutch citizens is negatively associated with conventional political participation. A possible practical explanation for this could be that refugees’ trust in Dutch citizens lowers their perceived need to participate in politics as they trust that their interests are represented well by Dutch citizens. Nevertheless, as the regression analysis does not provide enough information to provide a definitive conclusion and the existing literature does not entail this finding, further research is necessary.
Moreover, Table 5 reveals that interactions with local government representatives have a negative relationship with unconventional political participation (β = -.16, p = .09). Contact with local representatives might discourage refugees from engaging in protests, possibly due to a sense of being heard and having the feeling that their concerns are addressed by the local representatives. As the other analyses found an association between contacting national representatives and unconventional political participation, this regression finding could suggest that this association is also positive. However, the difference between local and national representatives could be large and there is not enough information to show the direction of the association. Furthermore, there are no other similarities between the findings of the regression analysis on linking social capital and those of the correlation and association analyses.
To conclude, the linear regression analysis supports and complements the findings of the correlation and association analyses regarding the association between social capital and political participation. It underscores the complexity of different forms of social capital. While some findings align closely, others suggest further nuances that show a need for future research.
Conclusion
This chapter has revealed the complex associations between bonding, bridging, and linking social capital and the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands. The research used Chi-squared tests, Spearman’s correlations, and linear regression analyses to accept or reject the four hypotheses on the different forms of social capital.
The first hypothesis suggested that higher levels of bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin are positively associated with the political participation of refugees. The findings provided mixed results. On the one hand, interaction with others from the same country of origin is positively correlated with increased political participation. On the other hand, a strong sense of attachment to these individuals and benefitting from interaction with them is linked with a decrease in political participation. Consequently, the hypothesis could not be completely accepted or rejected.
The second hypothesis posited that higher levels of bonding social capital with others from other non-Dutch countries would be positively associated with political participation. The analysis has demonstrated that there are negative correlations between interactions with others from different countries and political participation. Refugees who bond with individuals from different countries of origin are less politically active, which leads to the rejection of the hypothesis.
The third hypothesis asserted that higher levels of bridging social capital with Dutch citizens would be positively associated with political participation. This hypothesis is partially supported by the results. Relationships with Dutch individuals, that are characterized by trust and being welcomed, are associated with higher political activity. Nonetheless, bridging social capital is seemingly negatively associated with participation in protests. Thus, bridging social capital has a nuanced association with political activity, depending on the type of political participation.
The fourth hypothesis examined the association between linking social capital with the Dutch government and political participation. The findings show that support from the government has a positive association with general political activity. However, there are no significant associations with specific actions such as voting, or the contacting of representatives found. Interactions with local government officials appear to be negatively associated with participation in protests, and interactions with the national government have more ambiguous associations and require further research.
All in all, the findings underscore the complex nature of social capital and its associations with the political participation of refugees. Bonding social capital has both positive and negative associations, which depend on the type of interaction. Bridging social capital is mainly positively associated with political activity but is negatively associated with participation in protests. Linking social capital has a positive association with general political activity, even though its association with specific political actions remains inconclusive. The insights gathered from these findings highlight the need for a nuanced understanding of social capital to have an effective approach to the political integration of refugees
6. Discussion
According to the findings, social capital generally promotes political participation, but it is dependent on the form of social capital and the type of political participation. The following chapter explores the findings of the analysis and places them in the context of the existing literature. This allows interpretations of the findings, policy recommendations and suggestions for future research.
The Duality of Bonding Social Capital
The first hypothesis states that the association between the bonding social capital with individuals from the same country of origin and the political participation of refugees is positive. The findings appeared to be more nuanced. Interaction with others from the same country did correlate with increased political participation, confirming the hypothesis. However, a sense of attachment to this group is associated with a decrease in political participation, suggesting a duality of bonding social capital.
This duality aligns with Portes’ (1998) study that claims that bonding social capital can provide mutual support and encouragement, but it may also limit broader social integration, and as such, political participation. The findings are in line with Ryan’s (2011) and Togeby’s (1999) statement that while bonding social capital mobilizes individuals for collective actions with their social groups, it can also lead to social exclusion from the wider society. These findings also align with Bourdieu’s (1986) idea of social capital as a resource that both enables and constrains individual actions depending on the context and structure of the social networks. In the context of the networks of refugees, bonding social capital could provide the immediate emotional and practical support that is crucial for enduring the challenges of entering a new society. Nonetheless, this same network may also create an isolated environment for refugees that discourages them from engaging with the wider society and its politics.
The negative correlation between the sense of attachment to other refugees from the same country and political participation could be a result of the familiarity and comfort that refugees find within these groups, which in turn reduces the need to engage in the politics of the wider society (Bekaj et al., 2018). Alternatively, as suggested by a volunteer of a refugee organization with whom the results of this study were discussed, this could be due to the language barriers and discrimination faced by refugees, which push them away from Dutch society towards familiar networks.
Furthermore, the findings reveal that respondents who receive support from others from the same country of origin are more likely to participate in protests. This aligns with Ryan’s (2011) findings that support within a homogeneous group can mobilize the individuals of that group for collective action. That group’s networks provide the support and motivation necessary for collective actions, such as protests. This relates to another point mentioned by the refugee organization volunteer, namely that refugees with high bonding social capital are politically active, but not within the wider society. Their politics take place within their groups because of their exclusion from the wider society, or because they are more concerned with politics from their country of origin. They are unable to be politically active in the Dutch context and therefore seek to be active in their smaller groups. Therefore, it is important to note that the results from this research only concern political participation in the broader Dutch context. If refugees do not participate in Dutch politics, it does not necessarily mean that they are entirely politically inactive.
Bonding Social Capital Across Cultures
The second hypothesis posited that bonding social capital with individuals from other non-Dutch countries of origin would be positively associated with political participation. This hypothesis has been rejected as the analysis found a negative correlation; refugees with higher bonding social capital with others from different countries were less active in Dutch politics.
The hypothesis’ assumption that a broad network within a more diverse community of refugees would enhance political participation was contradicted by the findings. It appears that bonding with other non-Dutch refugees could create a sense of separation or isolation from the host society, and thus reduce the motivation or need to be active in politics of that host society. This idea follows the conclusion from Cheung and Phillimore (2014) that a diversity of social networks can support market integration, but that this does not necessarily translate to political engagement.
The negative correlation that was observed could be interpreted through the lens of social identity theory, as proposed by Tajfel and Turner (1986). They state that individuals gain a sense of identity and belonging from the social groups of which they are a member. This would mean that refugees with bonding social capital with others from different countries might form their identity as being a part of a broader refugee community, rather than a part of the host society. This identity then decreases their participation in Dutch politics since they invest more in the non-Dutch group that defines their identity.
Additionally, the socio-political context of the host society may influence these dynamics. Dutch integration policies emphasize integration and adaptation to Dutch norms and values (Kraal et al., 2017) and therefore might give refugees who remain strongly tied to their non-Dutch networks a sense of exclusion. This exclusion in turn reduces their motivation to participate in Dutch politics, which further reinforces the negative correlation that was observed in the study.
Bridging Social Capital with Dutch Citizens
The third hypothesis proposed that higher levels of bridging social capital with Dutch citizens would be positively associated with political participation. This could only be accepted partially as positive relationships with Dutch citizens are found to be associated with higher levels of conventional political participation, while the same relationships have a negative correlation with participation in protests.
Ager and Strang (2008) claim that a diversity of social networks increases access to the information and resources that are required for political participation. This idea is acknowledged by the positive association that bridging social capital has with conventional political participation. Especially trust in Dutch citizens and a feeling of being welcomed are found to be associated with political participation, the variables that are important for creating a sense of belonging, which in turn is crucial for political engagement (Putnam, 2000).
In contrast, the negative correlation between bridging social capital and participation in protests might reflect the preference of more integrated refugees for conventional forms of politics that avoid more confrontational forms such as protesting. This challenges Norris’ (2002) claim that social capital generally increases political activism, which suggests that it is important to distinguish between the different forms of social capital and types of political participation when examining these topics.
These findings could be further explained by Granovetter’s concept of social embeddedness (1985). This means that refugees with a high level of bridging social capital are more embedded in the social framework of the host society, leading to better adaptation to its norms and less desire for confrontational forms of politics such as protests. These refugees instead prefer forms that are institutionalized, such as voting or contacting political representatives, as these forms are seen as more legitimate and effective by the host society.
Furthermore, the findings show that trust and the sense of being welcomed are essential in increasing political participation. This is in line with Dekker and Uslaner’s (2001) findings that trust and reciprocity are essential in creating the social capital that is necessary for collective action, such as political participation. The presence of these factors within networks created by bridging social capital empowers refugees to participate more actively in the host society’s political life.
Linking Social Capital and Governmental Support
The fourth hypothesis focused on the possible positive association with higher levels of linking social capital with the Dutch government to more political participation. The findings showed that support from the government is positively correlated with general political activity, but there are no significant effects on more specific political actions such as voting or contacting representatives.
According to the existing literature, support from governmental institutions increases the political participation of refugees and migrants by providing relevant information and resources (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998; Woolcock, 1998). The analysis of this research shows similar findings that positive interactions with the government are positively associated with refugees’ participation in politics. This is most likely due to the sense of inclusion and legitimacy that is created by these interactions (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998). The absence of significant findings for more specific forms of political participation could be a result of other factors, such as legal status or personal motivation (Bloemraad, 2006; Levy & Sadiq, 2014).
The interplay between linking social capital and political participation can be further understood through the concept of political efficacy (Bandura, 1977). This refers to an individual’s belief in their ability to have an impact on political processes. Interactions with a government that are experienced positively by refugees may enhance the sense of political efficacy of refugees, which increases their likeliness to participate in political activities. However, the more specific political actions may require higher levels of political efficacy, which is possibly currently not addressed enough by the support from the government.
Policy Recommendations
The Dutch integration policies are primarily focused on language proficiency and cultural orientation and seemingly aim to enhance refugees’ social capital and through that their political participation. However, As Ballan (2021) has shown, the lack of civic knowledge among refugees remains even if they know the language. This gap suggests that current integration policies may not fully address the barriers to political participation, highlighting the need for integration policies that are broader than language and cultural orientation, and that emphasize education on politics. Such policies, in combination with programs that facilitate social capital, could improve the political participation of refugees. Moreover, the integration policies should be adapted to the different forms of social capital and their associations with political participation. Recognizing the intricate interplay between bonding, bridging, and linking social capital, would lead to more nuanced policies that address the specific needs and challenges faced by refugees. Based on the findings of this research, several policy recommendations can be made that could enhance the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands.
Firstly, one of the barriers to political participation is the lack of knowledge about the Dutch political system among refugees (Ballan, 2021). This could be addressed by the government’s expansion and enhancement of civic education programs that are followed by refugees. One example of such a program would be one on political education, which not only covers the fundamental structure of the Dutch political system but also explains practical issues such as political party ideologies or the different roles of local and national elections. Another example would be the organization of workshops that offer an interactive approach to politics, such as mock elections or debates. This would not only stimulate political participation but also social capital as the interactivity promotes the building of relationships. On top of that, education on Dutch politics should be available in multiple languages, ensuring the accessibility of the information.
Secondly, the findings of this study have shown that bridging social capital in the form of relationships with Dutch citizens has a positive association with political participation. Policies could be aimed at increasing bridging social capital through the implementation of initiatives that bring together refugees and Dutch citizens through activities. Examples of this could be cultural exchanges, community service projects, or sports events. These initiatives are currently organized by civic organizations. Therefore, if the government would not organize such events itself, it could increase the funding for such organizations that help build the social capital of refugees and facilitate their political participation.
Thirdly, this research indicates that linking social capital in the form of connections with formal institutions is important for the political participation of refugees. To strengthen these connections would be efficient policy, which could for instance be achieved by ensuring the accessibility of government services. This would include the recruitment of interpreters and cultural mediators who aid refugees in their interactions with governmental institutions, increasing their linking social capital. Furthermore, refugees could engage with government representatives through platforms, such as municipal meetings or public forums to increase their linking social capital, which in turn stimulates their political participation.
Study Limitations and Considerations
Although this exploratory research provides valuable insights into the interplay between the social capital and political participation of refugees in the Netherlands, it also has its limitations. It is essential to consider these limitations when interpreting the findings of the study.
Firstly, the sample size of 76 respondents is adequate for an exploratory analysis but may limit the generalizability of the findings. On top of that, the reliance on snowball sampling and personal networks may introduce potential bias. Therefore, the sample may not be fully representative of the broader refugee population in the Netherlands. Future research should attempt to increase the sample size to validate the findings of this research.
Secondly, the data collected in this study is based on self-reported responses. These can be subject to social desirability bias, meaning that respondents may provide answers that they believe to be socially acceptable, instead of their true feelings. Additionally, the subjective feelings that were asked about in the survey are difficult to measure objectively.
Thirdly, the survey was conducted over a relatively short period, which may not capture the long-term relation between social capital and political participation. This requires longer studies that show if and how the social capital and political participation of refugees change over time.
Lastly, the quantitative approach only provides statistical insights. While this is useful, it can also overlook the nuances of individual experiences. Therefore, qualitative methods, such as interviews, are necessary to complement this research with additional data.
Directions for Future Research
This research’s limitations provide logical suggestions for future research to understand the interplay of the social capital and political participation of refugees more completely. Qualitative research and longer studies could show a more nuanced understanding of this complex topic.
The quantitative data of this study should be complemented with qualitative data, such as interviews and focus groups, to further understand the complexity of refugees’ individual experiences with social capital and political participation. Several key areas need further research. Firstly, personal narratives of refugees provide deeper insights not only into their experiences but also their challenges and motivations regarding political participation. Secondly, examining the cultural and social contexts in which refugees live can reveal other factors that influence their political participation. Thirdly, interviewing policymakers and professionals and volunteers working with refugees can provide useful insights into the creation and implementation of policies that relate to integration, social capital, and political participation.
Conducting studies over longer periods of time helps to understand how social capital and political participation evolve over time. These longer studies provide a more complete view of the long-term effects of social capital and the integration process in general. One area that should be researched is how social capital changes over time and how that affects political participation. Another area would be how policies that focus on the social capital and political participation of refugees affect these refugees over longer periods of time. Through this, existing policy could be evaluated better, and more concrete policy recommendations could be made. A third area of interest is what factors influence political participation and what factors are effective in sustaining political participation in the long term.
In addition to the suggested future research that is evident from the limitations of this research, the findings also raised multiple questions that require further investigation. Future research should investigate the reasons behind the difference in the positive and negative correlations between bonding social capital and political participation. Why are interactions with others from the same country of origin positively associated with political participation, while a sense of attachment to them is negatively associated with it? Answering this question would give a more complete understanding of the different working of the various forms of social capital. Another interesting topic is the negative correlation between bridging social capital and participation in protests. This would provide insights into how the relations between refugees and the host society work and influence the integration of refugees.
Conclusion
This study has provided valuable insights into the link between the social capital and political participation of refugees in the Netherlands. Bonding, bridging, and linking social capital each have distinct associations with different types of political participation. The findings highlight the importance of refugees’ social networks and governmental support in their political participation. The political participation of refugees can be enhanced, and thereby their overall integration improved, by addressing the barriers that refugees face in creating the social capital that is required for political participation.
The findings underscore the need for nuanced and specific policies that take into account the complexity of the relationship between different forms of social capital and political participation. Enhancing civic education programs and promoting bridging and linking social capital would support the political integration of refugees.
Future research should continue to explore the complex dynamics between social capital and political participation. This can best be done by complementing quantitative research with qualitative data, which provides a more complete understanding of refugees’ experiences. Studies over longer periods of time and research of specific aspects would further expand the knowledge on this topic, which is essential for creating effective policy.
In conclusion, creating and maintaining social capital among refugees is important for their integration into Dutch political life. Addressing the challenges of refugees and conducting further research would allow policymakers to create a more inclusive and participatory environment that is beneficial for both refugees and a democratic wider society.
7. Conclusion
This research aimed to conduct an exploratory analysis of how social capital is associated with the political participation of refugees in the Netherlands, using a quantitative analysis of data collected through a survey. This offers valuable insights that help understand the broader challenges and opportunities of refugee integration. This study has explored the complexity of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital and their distinct associations with political participation. Examining these forms of social capital and their association with political participation allows for a more complete understanding of how refugees navigate politics in their host society.
This study makes several key contributions to the existing literature on refugee integration by exploring the understanding of social capital and political participation. Firstly, it advances the literature by differentiating between bonding, bridging, and linking social capital, and thus examining social capital in a multidimensional manner in this context. It highlights the distinct associations between every form of social capital and political participation. This is insightful as it highlights the complexity of the association between different forms of social capital and political participation, which is often overlooked by the focus on cultural integration in the existing literature. Secondly, this research has taken a similar approach to political participation and divided it into conventional and unconventional political participation. The finding that bridging social capital is positively correlated with conventional participation, while it is negatively correlated with unconventional participation, underscores the importance of this distinction between the two forms. Thirdly, the study reveals that while bridging and linking social capital are positively associated with political participation, bonding social capital has a negative association with political participation when not combined with the other forms. This nuanced understanding is pivotal for researchers aiming to explore integration policies and practices.
Bonding social capital among refugees who interact with individuals from the same country of origin is positively associated with higher levels of political participation. These interactions provide the support necessary for participation in the political life of the host society. On the opposite, a strong sense of attachment to the same group is associated with lower political participation, suggesting that heavy reliance on homogeneous groups can lead to social isolation, which in turn lowers integration and political participation. Similarly, the analysis has shown that bonding social capital with individuals from other non-Dutch countries of origin may also create social isolation, leading to decreased political participation.
Nonetheless, positive relationships with Dutch citizens are shown to be associated with increased conventional political participation. Especially a sense of trust and being welcomed play a large role in this association. Bridging social capital likely provides refugees with a diversity of information and resources necessary for a sense of belonging and political efficacy. However, the data reveals that bridging social capital has a negative correlation with unconventional participation in protests, suggesting that well-integrated refugees prefer institutionalized and less confrontational forms of political participation that are in line with societal norms.
Linking social capital in the form of support received from the Dutch government is positively associated with general political activity as refugees who receive support are likely to feel more included and legitimate within the political life of the Dutch society. Nevertheless, more specific political actions such as voting are not associated with linking social capital. As it is unclear what the reasons for this are, further research is required.
The insights gained from this study highlight the need for targeted integration policies that consider the nuances of social capital and political participation. Several policy recommendations are made in this paper. Firstly, the expansion of civic education programs would cover the more specific and practical aspects of politics in the Netherlands. Secondly, as bridging social capital is positively associated with political participation, initiatives that promote interaction between refugees and Dutch citizens could be implemented, either directly or through the increased funding of existing civic organizations. Thirdly, the accessibility of government services could strengthen linking social capital, which in turn is associated with political participation.
This study has provided valuable insights but has its limitations. Mainly the sample size, reliance on self-reported data, and the short duration of the study limit the generalizability and depth of the findings. These limitations should be addressed by future research. For instance, a larger and more diverse sample would provide more representative data. Studies over longer periods of time would show how social capital and political participation evolve in the long term. On top of that, qualitative methods can provide a deeper understanding of the nuances of individual experiences.
In addition to the suggestions for future research that are evident from the limitations of this research, the findings raised multiple questions that remain unanswered. For instance, the reasons behind the difference in the positive and negative correlations between bonding social capital and political participation should be investigated further. Furthermore, a closer examination of the negative correlation between bridging social capital and participation in protests would reveal more, not only about the effects of bridging social capital, but about the broader social integration of refugees into a host society.
Understanding the association between the social capital and political participation of refugees has broader implications beyond the Dutch context. It provides insights that are relevant for other countries in which the challenges of refugee integration are similar. Social capital is an important factor in political participation, which is an essential component of a successful integration. Fostering social capital and political participation can lead to a more inclusive and participatory society, which is not only relevant for the Netherlands. Other countries that host refugees could benefit from these findings by implementing policies that involve the creation of social capital. The enhancement of civic education and the promotion of bridging and linking social capital are universally applicable strategies that can improve overall integration.
All in all, creating and maintaining the social capital of refugees is important for their political participation in Dutch, and other, political life. The associations between different forms of social capital and political participation are crucial for understanding the broader dynamics of integration. Addressing these nuances in policy and research can enhance the effective integration of refugees, which creates a more inclusive and democratic society. Ultimately, the successful integration of refugees is not only beneficial for the refugees themselves but also strengthens the democratic values of the host country.
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